Helmut Dahmer

 

Anti-Semitism and xenophobia: How to solve the riddle of the sphinx?

(translation Frederik van Gelder)

 

"As true as it is that one can understand Antisemitism only from our society, as true it appears to me to become that by now society itself can be properly understood only through Anti-Semitism."

Max Horkheimer, Letter to Harold Laski, 10.3.1941.

 

Preliminary Remarks

 

Fifty years ago the politically engaged Freudians (Simmel, Fenichel, Bernfeld, Horkheimer, Adorno and others) of the time held a "Psychiatric Symposium on Anti-Semitism" in San Francisco. Their contributions were published two years later in the volume "Anti-Semitism. A Social disease" that was edited by Ernst Simmel and soon became a classic. The common frame of reference of the eight authors of the book - psychologists and sociologists - was Freud's critical theory. In the first chapter of the book Horkheimer pleaded:

 

Despite the importance of the problem of anti-Semitism as a social phenomenon, not much has as yet been achieved toward its solution by sociology or philosophy. Interestingly enough, there is no study in the field of sociology or of social philosophy comparable to the lucid discussion in Freud's Moses or to the psychoanalytic papers on anti-Semitism such as that of Fenichel. Psychoanalytic studies on this subject are the only ones from which we can start."

 

I think, this assertion is on the whole solid even today, and I'll develope my own thesis as an imaginary dialogue with our forerunners, who did their best in order to understand the German fascists' incomprehensible man-hunting all over occupied Europe, from which they had barely escaped. Now it's our turn, to solve this riddle of the social sphinx, that has overlived the past five decades, variating its appearance and haunting us day by day.

 

Phobia about Jews

 

The deeply rooted resentment against the Jewish minorities, that are interspersed in the christianized majority, accompanied European civilization since many centuries as its shadow. For more than hundred years this resentment is misleading called "Anti-Semitism" (with a term coined by Wilhelm Marr in 1879). The correct name for this resentment should have been "Judophobia" (as Leon Pinsker proposed in 1882). "Anti-Semitism" and "Judophobia" are terms of a social nosology. Ernest Simmel, the socialist psychoanalytic physician, who characterized anti-Semitism as a "mass psychopathology", called it "a social disease." Freud and Ferenczi had deciphered neurotic disturbances like the hysteria as "social diseases": as products of the life history, whose symptoms appear disguised as natural phenomena and therefore are uncomprehensible. Individuals always have to fight out the cultural conflicts of their times as their inner, biographical conflicts. If they are overcharged, the conflict translates itself (by conversion) into the private language of the body. Psychoanalytic therapy is an attempt to encourage patients, who represent - unaware and involuntarily - the cultural conflicts, to comprehend their coded performance. The detecting of the lost meaning of their suffering (by anamnesis) shall enable them to become selfconscious fighters for "a culture, by whom no one is overwhelmed any more". (Freud).

 

The history of the Jews in Europe has been a history of persecution. That it has always been possible to identify Jewish minorities - after centuries of migration, expulsion and adaptation to various social contexts -, was on the one side a result of their loyality to their pure, anti‑magic monotheism (from whom christianity and moslemism are later derivatives) and to the life‑style, that was inspired by this religion. On the other side the conservation of Judaism in the diaspora was the result of the repulsions and limitations set up by the non‑Jewish popula­tions, in which the Jewish minorities were intermingled. Even the self-forgetful, assimilated Jews always have been identified by the discriminating and persecuting majority ‑ in 16th centu­ry‑Spain as in Hitler's Germany or in Stalinist Russia. Persecution and self‑determination, expulsion and encapsulation interlaced, non‑assimilation (or conservation of peculiarity) was the result.

 

The history of the christianized and "judeo‑phobic" majority of the European population has been a history of persecutors. There have been intervals, times almost without persecution, pauses at the enforced wandering through the nations, phases, in which the majority seemed to be satisfied with discrimination, isolation and exploitation of the Jews. But after those intervals of peaceful coexistence the resentment of the majority exploded once more in "excesses": expropriation and expulsion, pogrom and massacre. Enlightenment and emancipation have proved unable to dissolve anti‑Semitism, they only could temper him. In too many emancipatory projects of the enlighteners, the German idealist philosophers and the early socialists we discover strong anti‑Semitic tendencies. Also the revolutionary workers' movement, that aspired to abolish national inequality together with the social one and to put an end to all man‑hunting, turned out to be unable to transform our society in time. Therefore Jew-baiting and extermination reached its climax in this century of failed social revolutions and world wars.

 

Sphinx‑Riddles

 

The uncanny in anti‑Semitism is its persistence. It looks like an anthropological invariant, that means: a "natural" (or "eternal") factor. The manifestations of anti‑Semitism vary according to the political climate or expediency, but the anti‑Semitic disposition itself, an inheritage of our cultural tradition, that provides a scheme for world‑interpretation and for the regulation of drives, firmly installed in the psychic economy of everyman, remains unaltered. That the results of our societal practice and our lifehistory present themselves reificated as "eternal" natural facts, inaccessible for understanding and alteration, provoked the evolution of a special type of "un‑natural" (Nietzsche), critical science, as it has been developed by Freud (and Marx). Alternating between interpretations and explanations it aims at the differentiation of real‑ and pseudo‑nature and tries to regain the memory of forgotten authors­hips, in order to break up the repetition compulsion and so to open a way out of the deadlocks of biography and social history. The Sphinxes are projections of our desires and anxieties, materialized as winged man‑eaters, combined out of women and lionesses. So already the sphinxes themselves are the riddle, they ask us for. In this riddle‑solving our life is at stake. Either we overcome our horror (as Oedipus did), extricate our confusion, break the spell and understand, what the Sphinx really is: a symbol of our own contradictory nature. Then we can solve the enigma and enable the phantom. Or we stay horror‑stricken, and the angel of destruction will kill us. Every generation is confronted with the enigmas of our social history. If it fails, the presumed invariants will continue to operate like real invari­ants. Each generation, that fails to step out of the magic spell of Judopho­bia condemns its children and grandchildren to become repetitional culprits.

 

History and social mythology

 

Every person is a microcosm of the cultural history. In the process of socialization or "enculturation" we get impregnated with the cultural inheritance of our society, that means with modes of understanding ourselves and the world and with modes of distinction between ourselves and others or strangers. History, as it is reconstructed by historians, has to be learned. History, as it is transmitted as a component of familial and peer‑group-socia­lization has not the form of documented (and interpretated) "events", but the form of narrated myths, legends and prejudices. Especially those events or series of events, that revolved und changed the life‑conditi­ons of former generations in a catastrophic way, events, that were experien­ced as socio‑historical "traumata", are translated into lore, folk‑tales and religious beliefs and become fixed idiomatically. In this way the real history of events is transformed into a condensed, mythological version, and as such deposed in the collective memory. In the shape of collective myths the history of the group is conserved vivid for every new generation; the mythological figures are soldered with its desires and anxieties. The scientific reconstructed history is a form of knowledge, written and read in the perspective of observers. But its mythological version converts us ‑ the story‑teller and his public ‑ into participants. Central themes of this legendary history are the relations between the idealized ingroup and its gods and the depreciated and demonized outgroups and their strange gods. The mythological stories, the first sketch of the painting of culture, etched into the soul of every new generation, functions as an interpretational scheme for the later learned historical informations. The traumatization by history is the real kernel, the experience, around which the social legend was shaped in a futile longing for reparation and compensation. The unbeara­ble historical experience is the producer of the social delusions: the grain of sand in the pearl (Freud). Individuals are integrated into masses (and renounce their possible autonomy) as far as they believe in the collective myths of their group. The myth or social legend provides the mass‑members with a global scheme of orientation and a pattern of action. Both secure the personal and the group‑identity by demarcation against those, who are excluded from the group: others, strangers, enemies. The main problem of association or group‑cohesion and the main problem of our psychic economy is that of the border. Crude self‑preservation needs sharp boundary‑settlements, in the psychic realm of the individuals as in their societies. It requires demarcations and split­tings of the self, frontier fortresses and continous straithening of the front by denials and projections. Alienation (better: "alienization") strucks those components of ourself, that we can't get under control and therefore have to fear ‑ components, without which we cannot live, but whom we always try to extinct. The alienization of others has found its classical, stony expression, when during the 14th and 15th century (like in Venice in 1516) the most European cities imposed a regime of forced segregation on their Jewish minorities. The cultural history survives in the individuals of the present day by repetition. If we have to cope with the difficult relation to the non‑ego, to that "other", that exists not only "outside" ‑ in nature and society ‑, but that we ourselves are for us, then we find uppermost in the arsenal of the defense mechanisms, as they have been developed in the course of history, the mechanism of ghetto‑building. Anxious for self‑preservation, full of fear of strangers, the ego, that is situated just on the borderline between the other psychic structures (or systems) and. as a borderer, is dependent from their energy, tries to alienate itself from them. In the same degree, as it forgets his dependency, id and super‑ego are transformed into hostile territories. Now the psyche gets structured like a city with ghettos ‑ one for the minority, the other for the majority. (The majority never realizes in time, that the price one has to pay for the exclusion of others, is always the inclusion ‑ or imprisonment ‑ of oneself.) The ghetto‑psyche has to work in a permanent state of emergency and mobilization for a holy war. In order to avoid the retreat to a private. religion (i.e. neurosis) it tries to make contact with xenophobic sects or churches and thus to maintain a kind of "normality". That we wish to demarcate an "own" against the "strange" indicates, that we have decided to put an end to "understanding" or empathy. The established frontier shall separate the strange from ourselves or from people like us, separate the incomprehensible from the comprehensible, that, what we hate, from that we love, that, what is "nature", from that, what is man‑made. The societal frontiers, separating social strata (castes, ranks or classes) as well as religious and "ethnic" communities or the both sexes function as borderlines for acknowledgement and empathy. These borders are invisible, but insurmoun­table. In democratic states they appear to be "archaic" and their existence is more or less denied. They may be compared to fences, charged with pure hatred instead of current. People beyond the borders have not the same rights as people living within the borderlines: they are designated as possible victims of rape, torture and massacre (in case of a social or personal crisis). Of course we were unable to set up such demarcation lines, if we didn't know something (and always too much!) about the shut‑off area, if we were not ourselves situated just on the borderline, one foot in the majority compound, one in the ghetto. We wish to hide from us and wish to forget that we ourself arranged the boundary in order to save our soul, and that this demarcation line divides our self. When the separating act, the tabooing, is forgotten, the new frontier appears to us as an unchangeable fact. But as a fact the border is enigmatic, that what lies behind the border, becomes uncanny and incomprehensible, and the borderer is a riddle for himself. The purged ego or homogenized community on the one hand, - the split‑off on the other ‑ they become phantoms for each other. The key to the situation, the solution of the riddle is to be found only in the forbidden foreign country. What the calamity of the exclusers is, only the excluded could tell them ‑ and vice versa. But frontiers and homogenization exclude experience, for experience is always experience of something different. Alienization makes stupid. The "free associations", the psychoanalyst uses for a recon­struction of the secret life history of his patient, are forbidden messages, thrown over the walls of the ghetto by the imprisoned. Messages from the outcasts for the incasts, derivatives of the despised desires. AII we can hope is, to pull down some day the walls of anxiety, that separate our domain from that of the estranged.

 

Xenophobia and exclusion dominated all human cultures we have knowledge from; each of them has been narrow‑minded. Progress depends on the revision of frontiers, on the dislocation or perforation of Chinese and other walls, of the lines of demarcations in psyche and world. Fifty years ago, the German fascist regime, that has been supported or at least tolerated by the overw­helming majority of the German civilians and soldiers of that time, organized the murder of millions of European Jews (Poles, Russians, Gypsies...). This "Shoah" indicated, that our culture not only produces discontents (Freud) in too many of its participants, but that it failed. The first requirement for its revision is the emancipation of the non‑Jews from anti‑Semitism and its derivatives. Emancipation depends on understanding. We ask for the genesis and the functions of a tradition in order to get rid of it. What the social sciences can do in order to solve the riddle of anti‑Semitism, is, in the realm of historical reconstructions, to define the social functions, fulfilled bp the Jewish minorities, that were encapsulated into the European feudal and capitalist societies. Their second task is the reconstruction of the genesis of the judophobic tradition, that means: of the transformation of the historical experiences with Jewish minorities into social mythology. The first task requires the efforts of historians and sociologists, the second that of psychoanalysts, who are experts in the critical reading of dream‑texts, trained to revoke the dream work in order to make out the latent (historica) content of the dreams or nightmares, produced by individuals and masses. An interdisciplinary cooperation of social historians and psychoana­lytic experts for disarranged life histories would give them the possibility, to confront each other with their findings in order to avoid the pitfalls of psychologism and sociologism. That would be the best, but also the most arduous arrangement. It would offer an opportunity, to reformulate the psychoanalytic method ‑ a dialogue, mediated by interpretations ‑ as a technique of social research, that would enable us, to analyze not only the traditional social mythology, but also its actual configurations.

 

What we need, is a historical well‑informed and politically instructive psychoanalytic criticism of the social mythology that transforms individuals into members of masses, that are charged with destructive potential energy ("destrudo").

 

Ethnocentrism and xenophobia

 

The specific economic functions, the Jewish minority had to fulfill for the christian majority during the feudal and the early modern era, determined their conservation as a closed group with special religion, habits and manners. Judophobia was an allergic reaction of the non‑Jews against profes­sion and peculiarity of the strangers and belongs since centuries to the psychic inventory of our culture. But long since this reaction has been detached from the group, it had been adressed to originally, and from the obsolete social functions of the Jews of those times.

 

The image of "Ahasverus", the immortal Jewish wanderer, functioned for centuries as a bugbear for the christian and firmly established majority. The always repeated expulsions and extinctions of the homeless should mark the frontier between Philistines and nomads, and should reassure the citizens, that they themselves were secured against departure, change and readaptation. The Jewish traits in the social portrait of the restless wanderer, who tends to deprive the natives of property and security, of their traditional way of life and of their happy stupidity ‑ who at least calls in question all this ‑ , faded away. Neither the hawker in the caftan, nor the ritual‑murderer, nor the "Jewish‑Bolshewik" commissary haunts the Europeans at the end of the 20th century, but the refugee and the immigrant, who comes from the zones of war and hunger, out of the dissolving second and out of the pauperized third world. As history proceeds, the alien appears behind the Jew and anti‑Semitism is changing to xenophobia.

 

During the centuries between the collapse of the Roman imperium and the birth of the medieval city‑economies the Jews in the diaspora lived in easy circumstances and insecurity. The majority of them had maintained the status of a "pariah‑caste" (Max Weber) or a "people class" (Abraham Léon), whose duty was international trade and banking. This caste stood outside of the feudal society, but was indispensible for its functioning. Till to the early modernity the prevailing form of societal association remained that of the "community", that means: of a family‑like joint league, structured by direct, personal master‑servant‑relations. The Jews have imposed themselve to the collective memory of European mankind as the folk of merchandise, as agents of the money‑economy, that undermined and then ruined the post‑antique, rural economies. "Only in the era of the crusades the first wave af anti‑Semitism swept over Europe ‑ caused by the religious wars and the Jewish competiti­on." "This struggle against Jews and other foreign people... is a symptom of the rise of a stratum of national merchants" (Max Weber). In the following period native merchants and bankers replaced the Jews in the business of banking and foreign commerce. In the transition to the money‑ and market‑economy the whole feudal system and all the feudal classes, also the Jewish caste of merchants, lost its social basis.

 

"The transformation of all classes of society into producers of exchange values, into owners of money, raises them unanimously against Jewish usury whose archaic character emphasizes its rapacity. The struggle against the Jews takes on increasingly violent forms." "lt is in this fashion that the Jews were progressively expelled from all the western countries. It was an exodus from the more developed countries to the more backward ones in Eastern Europe ." "The Jew became a petty usurer who lends to the poor of town and country against pledges of petty value." "Now begins the era of the ghettos and of the worst persecutions and humiliations. The picture of these unfortu­nates bearing the badge of the wheel and ridiculous costumes..., disgraced and rejected, has been implanted for a long time in the memory of the populations of the Western and Central Europe ." (A. Léon)

 

The Jewish "people class" of feudal times has neither been a pioneer nor a beneficiary of modern capitalism, but belonged to the victims of the capita­list development. But it had been a pioneer of the money‑economy, one of the preconditions of the capitalist mode of production. In the collective memory the Jews remained bound to this function: exploitation, realized by means of a "strange" medium ‑ money ‑ and practised by strangers. People of the lower strata in city and country, who, in the transitional process from feudalism to capitalism, became converted into free wage‑labou­rers (freed from their former landed patrons, but also deprived from soil, food and tools), saw in the marginalized Jewish usurer or pedlar a represen­tative of ongoing alienation. The fear of modernization, the anxiety of a permanent revolution of all life conditions found its imaginary object in the figure of the chaffering Jew. All Jews of all times and social positions have been confused with this type. Even the German fascists in their political imagery believed the Jewish usurers capable of the dominion of the world (in two headquarters: the Kremlin and Wall Street). The "economic" stereotype was combined with the religious resentment: In the eyes of the christian majority and the churches the Jews were arch‑strangers, arch‑here­tics, arch‑enemies, a living rebuke, for they had denied ("betrayed") the true messiah (Christ). Till nowadays everybody, who is different, is seen by the majority as some kind of "Jew".

 

The (Jewish) merchant as a travelling trader confronted the indigenous population with a long-forgotten, uncanny way of life, full of risk and freedom: that of a nomad or vagrant. He seemed to make his livelihood by only changing surplus commodities into money and back. Thereby he represented a new, abstract mode of indirect association (market‑relations), that is incompatible with all forms of traditional communities and tends to dissolve them. "Modernization" means an incessant transformation of communities into (market‑)societies. The social evolution proceeds from the concrete to the abstract, leads from supposed homelands to new exiles. The market‑economy undermines and consumes the remaining communities. People are overcharged by this destructive progress; they begin to hate their culture.

 

According to their judophobic disposition they direct their accumulated 'destrudo' against "strangers".

 

Since the 18th century the individuals, who had lost their ties to the decomposed traditional communities, looked for a compensation. They created those imaginary super‑communities, that we are used to call "nations". Since then the national membership became the kernel, around which personal identity crystallizes itself. Nations are perceived as rampants against progressive alienation, against the irresistible tendency of the market‑so­ciety to lift borders and to demolish homelands. Since all nations are inventions (fictitious entities), their members are forced to reassure themselves perpetually of their existence. But how to prove the reality of social idols? By human sacrifices, by victimizing strangers, infidels and adversaries. As once the deities of the Aztecs, the modern fetishes are craving for human blood and need innumerable victims.

 

The suffering from the burden of culture is brought home to the minorities, whom the majority considers to be protagonists or beneficiaries of its own alienation. Hitler and his gang derived profit from the anti‑Semitic dispositi­on of their followers. They suggested the crisis‑battered middle‑classes, that they had to wage a war of extermination against the Jews in order to gain a better life for themselves, the "Aryans". So they released an unprecedented orgy of destruction.

 

After the "holocaust" and the second world war, anti‑Semitism overlived without its classical "objects". The "anti‑Semitism without Jews" now generalized itself and took the form of a general hatred against all strangers ‑ i.e. xenophobia. During the next decenniums millions of refugees will try to escape from the misery of the third and the chaos of the former "second world". This mass migration will not be stopped by any immigration law or by any army. The privileged populations of the rich countries now have a presentiment of this future. Therefore already the vanguard of the great migration, that now appeared at our frontiers, provoked fierce outbursts of violence.

 

The creation of a national market and of a national state, that has to defend the private property, were achievements of the bourgeoisie. Citizenship was defined either according to the "ius soli" (in France ) or to the "ius sanguinis" (in Germany ).

 

Meanwhile multinational corporations and financial institutions dominate the world‑market, international confederations and economic communities gradually restrict the sovereignty and competences of the national states. But the associated individuals in their great majority derive their identity from their membership to this or that nation. Even their passions, libido and aggression, are organized along national lines. Whether or not someone is accepted as a human being "of our kind" ‑ with all rights of man and citizen ‑ depends on his national identity. Empathy and compassion are reserved for "people like us". Nonmembers are defined as strangers; people, who forfeit their membership by poverty, weakness or illness, are excluded and alienated. The borderline, that divides those people, with whom we like to identify ourselves, from those, whom we refuse such identification, divides also those of our wishes and ideals, that we can accept, from those, that we discard and condemn. Social evolution long since opened all communities, ethnic groups and nations and joined them to the world market. In comparison with this development the fixation of the majority on a national identity appears to be a fatal cultural lag. But the progress is a destructive one, and therefore people cling full of nostalgia and fanaticism to traditional, outdated relations. Every social crisis therefore produces a new wave of nationalist regression or ethnocentrism in politics.

 

In this situation all depends on the cultural privileged minorities, who are living under conditions, that favor a transcending of national narrow‑minded­ness. That doesn't mean to deny the national tradition(s) ‑ language, history, culture ‑, that also these minorities have internalized, but to come to terms with those traditions as a difficult inheritance. To develop a transnational ("cosmopolitan", "internationalist") identity means, to transcend step by step the borderlines of our ascribed identity, to extend step by step our capacity to identify with people living beyond the frontiers of our folk and nation, class and race, to befriend us with more and more "otherness", till the borders of identity and solidarity coincide with those of the world society (or "mankind"), till homeland and exile don't exclude each other any more. In the most developed, richest societies, that became cultural polyphonic by multiple migrations, such a progressive relativization of national identities has a good chance.

 

A cultural progress, that deserves this name, consists in the acquisition of new idiosyncrasies. Past generations have disaccustomed themselves of cannibalism, vendetta and slavery. Our duty is, to bring anti‑Semitism and generalized anti‑Semitism ‑ xenophobia ‑ into contempt, to outlaw it in order to enable future generations, to look back to our present, their prehistory, full of aversion and disgust.

 

(13.10.1994)

 

Biblioqraphy

 

Adorno, Th. W., und m. Horkheimer (1944; 1947): "Elemente des Antisemitismus. Grenzen der Aufklärung.'' In Dialektik der Aufklärunq, Horkheimer, Ges. Schriften,, vol. 5, Frankfurt 1987, p.l 97‑238.

 

Adorno, E. Frenkel‑Brunswik, D. J. Levinson, R. N. Sanford et al. (1950): Studies in the Authoritarian Personality, New York, London. (Studies in Prejudice Series, edit. by m. Horkheimer and S. H. Flowerman.)

 

Battenberg, F. (1990): Das europäische Zeitalter der Juden. Zur Entwicklung einer minderheit in der nichtjüdischen Umwelt Europas. Vol. 1, 11, Darmstadt .

 

Berg mann, W. (Ed.) (1988): Error without Trial. Psychological Research on Anti‑Semitism. Berlin, New York.

 

Dahmer, H. (1994): Pseudonatur und Kritik. Freud, marx und die Gegenwart. Frankfurt .

 

Deutscher, 1. (1968): The Non‑Jewish Jew and Other Essays_ London , New York .

 

Fenichel, 0. (1946): "Elements of a Psychoanalytic Theory of Anti‑Semitism.'' In: Simmel (ed) (i 946); p. Il ‑32.

 

Freedman, m. B. (1987): "American Anti‑Semitism now: A political psychology perspective.'' In: Freedman (ed.), Social Change and Personality Essays i n Honor of Nevitt Sanford. Berlin, p. 80‑115.

 

Freud, S. (1919) "Das Unheimliche.'' Gesammelte Werke, vol. XII, Frankfurt 1968, p. 227‑268. Standard Edition, vol. 17, p, 219‑256.

 

‑ (CI 934‑38) 1939): Der mann moses und die monotheistische Religion. Gesammelte Werke, vol. XVI, Frankfurt 1968, p. 101 ‑246. CStandard Edition, vol. 23, p. 7‑137.

 

Hertzberg, A, (1989): The Jews in America._ Four Centuries of an uneasy Encounter. A History. New York .

 

 

Notes

 

 

 

     Contribution to the Conference "Psychoanalysis Among the Disciplines", held at the University of Michegan , November 5, 1994 .

     Cit. from Wiggershaus (1986), p. 347.

     New York (International Universities Press) 1946. German edition: Frankfurt (Fischer) 1993.

     Simmel (ed.), 1946, p. 1. f.

     "... in jedem Wahn steckt auch ein Körnchen Wahrheit, es ist etwas an ihm, was wirklich den Glauben verdient... Aber dieses Wahre war lange Zeit verdrängt; wenn es ihm endlich gelingt, diesmal in entstellter Form, zum Bewußtsein durchzudringen, so ist das ihm anhaftende Überzeugungsgefühl wie zur Entschädigung überstark, haftet nun am Entstel­lungsersatz des verdrängten Wahren und schützt denselben gegen jede kritische Anfechtung." Freud (1907): "Der Wahn und die Träume in W. Jensens 'Gradi­va'." Gesammelte Werke, vol. VII, Frankfurt 1966, p. 108. [Standard Edition, vol. 9. p. 80.]

C.f. also Freud (1916/7): Vorlesungen zur Einführung in die Psychoanalyse Gesammelte Werke, vol. XI, p 406 [Standard Edition vol. 16, p. 391.]

     C.f. Dahmer, H. [l991]: "Grenzrevisionen", in: Pseudonatur und Kritik Frankfurt 1994, p. 39-52.

     Cf. Bernfeld, S. (1941): "The facts af observation in Psychoanalysis." The Journal of Psychology , vol 12, p. 289‑305. [German transl. ‑ "Psychoanalyse als Gespräch" ‑ in Psyche, vol. 32, 1978 p. 355‑373.]

     C.f. Dahmer, H. [I988]: "Psychoanalytische Sozialforschung." In: Dahmer (1994): Pseudonatur und Kritik, I.c., p. 136‑146.

     The Jewish Question (l950), p. 36 f. and 85 f.

     Wirtschaftsgeschichte (l923), p. 193. (my transl. H.D.)

     L.c., p. 114 ff.

     Cf. Anderson, B. (1983): "Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism." London . Gellner, E. (1991): Nations and Nationalism. Oxford .